When Nigerians discuss Peter Obi’s rise to national prominence, many focus on the 2023 presidential election. However, the real story began in 2019.
In 2019, Peter Obi was not the presidential candidate. He was the vice-presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), running alongside Atiku Abubakar. Their ticket secured over 11 million votes, but ultimately lost to President Muhammadu Buhari, who won with over 15 million votes.
In the eyes of the average Nigerian, the 2019 election was just another election, but if you look deeply something significant was growing, which is the emergence of new candidates and new political parties sharing the big election numbers.
For many Nigerians, especially young people and professionals like me, Peter Obi emerged as one of the most memorable figures of the campaign. His reputation for fiscal discipline, prudent management of public resources, and his “go and verify” approach to his campaign distinguished him from the traditional political establishment. Even though he was the secondary position on the ticket, his message often resonated to people beyond that Vice presidential role he was vying for.
Another thing the 2019 election also exposed was the growing disconnect between Nigeria’s political class and a new generation of voters. Voter turnout fell to approximately 34.75%, one of the lowest in Nigeria’s democratic history. Many citizens felt disconnected from the choices presented to them. People were getting tired of seeing the popular faces – Buhari and Atiku most especially.
What appeared to be a defeat in 2019 ultimately became a strategic apprenticeship in my opinion. It introduced Peter Obi to a national audience, expanded his political network, and helped him understand the opportunities and limitations of Nigeria’s electoral landscape. Such that by the time the 2023 election arrived, Peter Obi was no longer a running mate. He took the audacious move to respond to the yearnings of most young Nigerians. This time, he had become the symbol of a new and broader political movement. In my opinion, the “Obi movement” did not begin in 2023; it was actually incubated in 2019.
But like every movement of change, when you start (re)building anything worthwhile, there will be adversaries. I believe that the biggest adversaries to movements of changes come from within and not necessarily, external. I’m always reminded of the biblical account of the children of Israel in rebuilding the broken temple in Ezra, where the adversary came to be a part of the project, wanting to cause internal sabotage.
Ezra 4:1 -2 Now when the adversaries of Judah and Benjamin heard that the descendants of the captivity were building the temple of the Lord God of Israel, 2 they came to Zerubbabel and the heads of the fathers’ houses, and said to them, “Let us build with you, for we seek your God as you do; and we have sacrificed to Him since the days of Esarhaddon king of Assyria, who brought us here.”
While Peter Obi’s candidacy ignited a movement driven by hope, reform, and a new generation of politically conscious citizens, a critical internal weakness within the party structure significantly limited the full realization of that potential.
The Labour Party entered the 2023 election cycle without the institutional depth required for a national election. Unlike the established parties (PDP, APC), LP lacked strong grassroots structures, experienced political operators, and a cohesive internal system. It is worthy to point it out now in retrospect because I believe those who shrugged off this call are now learning from experience. While the openness from LP allowed new entrants and reform-minded individuals to join, it also created room for opportunism and internal contradictions.
One of the most significant challenges I observed was the infiltration of the party by actors whose loyalty was questionable. In several states, there were allegations of party officials working on conflicting objectives with the presidential campaign. These ranged from poor coordination during voter mobilization to deliberate actions that weakened the party’s electoral chances. In some cases, party agents were either absent or ineffective at polling units. As a voter, I considered this as an operational failure that cannot be separated from internal party dynamics.
One would have expected that Peter Obi was going to form a party, mobilise and attract people who share his ideology on governance or raise and perhaps pruned the “obedient movement” into a transformative political party prepared to cease power in 2027. He had 4 years to do that.
It’s now 2026 and as we prepare for the 2027 election, Peter Obi has moved from the ADC coalition to the NDC. In my opinion, leaving the ADC was a smart move. The ADC had already developed serious internal leadership disputes and litigation battles, with rival factions contesting control of the party structure. This is not an environment you want to commit your 2027 electoral effort to.
And I believe the summary of 2023 elections is relevant here – enthusiasm without structure can lead to frustration.
This is June 2026. Peter Obi is officially the Presidential Candidate for NDC in the 2027 election with Kwankwaso as the running mate. But there are a few communications from NDC as a party that makes me feel they are ready to become a serious political party in the coming election.
The first was released on the 7th of June 2026, in the clause
1. The NDC is committed to building the party as a strong and enduring institution, with emphasis on party supremacy. The programs, policies, and appointments (except personal staff) of all governments elected on the platform of the party must be made in consultation with the party structure.
The party remains supreme, and members are expected to align their personal interests and agendas with those of the party.
I figured the above clause didn’t go down well with many members of the “Obidient Movement”. They are people who have issues with accountability and they don’t realise that you need a strong party to increase your chances in any given election.
For context sake, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), particularly Sections 131 says that a candidate must be a member of a political party and be sponsored by that party. Emphasis on Sponsored by that party.
NDC’s communication signals that they are ready to build a strong party structure and members are expected to align their personal interests and agenda with those of the party.
Members of the “Obidient Movement” need to come to speed with the fact that strong popularity needs to be backed by strong party structure.
Time is ticking.
The second statement:
5. The NDC is being built as an institution, not a personality cult, political movement, or Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) to be used and discarded.
Members are encouraged to remain committed to the party and contribute to its growth and sustainability for generations to come.
At all times, and for all candidates and aspirants, total allegiance must be to the party and the national interest.
On financial probity, the party will enforce strict accountability in the management of party resources by all officers, and party funds must be used strictly for party business.
For candidates, there must also be strict accountability for all funding received. Monies sourced by candidates at all levels, and contributions made by candidates to campaign accounts, must be fully disclosed to the party at the appropriate levels (local government, state, zonal, and national). Such funds must be received through dedicated party campaign accounts, including presidential and governorship campaign accounts of the party, as applicable.
After the 2023 election, there were serious claims and allegations on the Labour Party and Obidient Movement relating to financial controversy.
There were accusations from factions within the party alleging misuse of donations running into billions of naira. During 2023 elections, large voluntary donations were made to campaign structures to the Obidient Movement, the funds were managed across multiple informal channels and the coordination was mixed between party organs and supporter groups. This led to accusations by rival factions that funds were not fully transparent and the counterclaims that Obidient volunteers were not responsible and accountable for official party finances.
The absence of mature political party finance systems within emerging parties is a weakness that NDC seems to be taking an action on.
The last one
The recent attempt by NDC to ask candidates to sign an anti-defection oath.
If the NDC requires candidates to sign an anti-defection oath, it simply means that if you contest an election under the party, win, and later leave the party, there will be consequences which usually is that you must give up the seat.
I believe this is a strong party control mechanism that shows that NDC is learning from LP.
NDC is trying to avoid being used as a Special Purpose Vehicle for politicians to gain power and defect to the ruling party. In 2023, about 40+ federal positions were won in 2023 under the Labour Party. Today, only a portion remained in the party, even though several of them decamped due to weak internal party structure rather than a single organised defection wave. Beyond LP, Nigeria has a long history of elected officials winning on one platform then defecting to another (often the ruling party). An anti-defection oath may curb that.
What next do I expect from NDC?
This may be a tall order based on the timing and tight deadline, but as the party moves from a coalition of certain elites to structured political organisation, every member and candidate must be grounded and aligned on the party stands on certain policy issues.
I am expecting the party to align on a simple, emotionally resonant national message. Winning elections in Nigeria is often about clarity of message. The party should focus on cost of living relief, security and safety at community level, jobs and youth economic participation. The message must be consistent across regions and languages, avoiding policy overload.
Secondly, I expect the NDC to invest in polling unit agents trained and adequately incentivised, real-time result tracking structures and legal readiness teams for disputes. By now, we know that elections are often decided at the collation and protection stage, not just voting.
Finally, like 2023 I expect Peter Obi and the NDC to prepare for a three-way competitive election. The opposition space is no longer a binary contest. Vote splitting is likely. Regional strongholds will matter more than national averages computation. Strategic alliances may determine outcomes in key states.
I write this as a student, knowing that in elections, there are no guarantees. It’s a man’s world.
I hope this made sense to you.